Everything began in 2001, shortly before Greece entered the euro, when the Labor Minister of the second Simitis government, Mr. T. Giannitsis, attempted to reform the social insurance system, in order to limit the over-expenditure and make as sustainable as possible. That first meaningful attempt to manage the Pension crisis was opposed by nearly everyone: political parties, syndicates, labor unions and social organizations.

That many political groups of that time, both in power and the opposition, did not understand the intensity of the structural problem in social insurance and raised a banner of protecting what had been conquered, not realizing that they were undermining not just the pensions, but the country’s entire future.

The “cardinal sin”

That lack of understanding that was demonstrated by all political factions – left, centrist and right-wing – has since accompanied the Greek political system, like a cardinal sin, affecting the position of the economy and the country, as well as the attrition of the parties in power.

Many expressed their hate for Kostas Simitis then and the propaganda at the time presented him as a “conspirator” and an “enemy of the people’s interests”.

From the moment his government backed down on the pension reform, it was unable to raise its head, must less push forward any other reform.

Two years later Mr. Simitis was forced to pass on the party leadership to Giorgos Papandreou and in the spring of 2004 he passed on power to the hopeful and up and coming Kostas Karamanlis.

The president of New Democracy at the time assumed power by promising fiscal consolidation and reforms. His government however was light-hearted and ultimately inefficient. He did not have the provisions nor did he take the necessary measures, so in his second term he was trapped and collapsed due to the impasses caused from the financial economic state.

The great financial crisis that broke out in 2008 found the Karamanlis government divided, under attack from all sides and politically weak. The explosive events in Athens, over the murder of 16-year-old Alexandros Grigoropoulos, followed later on in December, thus reflecting the nature of the upcoming conflict and Karamanlis froze.

He literally froze, did not do what the situation demanded and later, having seen the financial impasse, he decided to escape via the elections in September 2009, leaving G. Papandreou deal with the “hot potato”, who did everything to assume power and not seeing what he had to face. His infamous statement that “there is money”, which he made in the summer of 2008, defined everything that followed and was ultimately what defined the extent of the ensuing unreliability. It was a monumental mistake by Mr. Papandreou and proof of his lack of circumstantial awareness which distinguished him.

Instead of warning and preparing the people for what was to come, he cultivated false hopes and expectations, which would later haunt him and the historic party of which he was in charge.

It took Mr. Papandreou many months to understand the intensity of the crisis that threatened the country. Trapped by his electoral campaign rhetoric, he was unable to realize that an exclusion of Greece from the markets would turn the country into an international beggar and fully dependent on its creditors.

When he later accepted the fateful bailout, he remained undecided and ambivalent, perpetuating as such the atmosphere of catastrophe and disputing everything.

About the same time, the successor of Kostas Karamanlis at the helm of New Democracy, Antonis Samaras, in his path to power, adopted an anti-bailout fervor and committed the fallacy of the so-called “hard bargaining”, not realizing that he too would one day pay for cultivating unfulfilled expectations.

The rise of the extremes

Over time the bailouts, in conjunction with the political weakness, nurtured reactions and unreliability. At the same time the high tones of the opposition encouraged extreme forces and nearly legitimized unorthodox forms of protest which many far right, left and anti-authoritarian groups have adopted over time.

From 2010 and onwards there has not been a demonstration without violence or a public event without jeering and brutal attacks. Later, the “movement of the indignant” emerged on Syntagma square, which “legitimized” everyone and everything. There, on the steps of the metro, in the middle of the square, everyone met. Freaks and blackshirts became one. They threw stones, yelled abused and tried many times to enter Parliament. Democracy could have been overthrown those days and nights.

That may not have happened, but the conditions allowed Golden Dawn to enter Parliament and SYRIZA to rise to power from being a party with 4% of the vote.

The current unstable political environment came as a result of the relentless leftist populism and a far-right anti-systemic rhetoric.

At the time, anyone who claimed that there were no options outside of Europe and insisted that the Greek problem was huge and unbearable and cannot be solved with miracles from rookie magicians was branded an “enemy of the people” and a “collaborator”.

At the time, the dominant wave of national populism made all media “guilty” and “accountable” and all journalists “scum” and “snitches”. SYRIZA had to come to power and deal with the Greek problem closely for many to realize that populism and homeland mongering cannot save the country, but rather further exacerbate the crisis.

The 180-degree turn of the leftist coalition government proves this exact point. The recent events, the attack against Giorgos Koumoutsakos reveal how wrong and problematic the generalized grouping and “criminalization” of everything, credits included, has been.

The SYRIZA-led government will have a major task ahead of it. It is already struggling with the simplest of the prior actions. When the pension reform takes center stage and the cardinal sin is revealed, the reactions and ensuing consequences may reach another level. The previously implemented populism will return, to prove that extremism in politics comes back like a boomerang.

Misfortunes and lessons

The way things have turned out, Greece is truly at risk from a potential failure and inability of SYRIZA to govern. Should Mr. Tsipras also become unreliable, the country will enter the “age of monsters” – obviously with him being personal accountable.

The possible gap will be filled with the worst of the worse, from those who called politicians “scum” and “traitors” when they were beating up the gentle Mr. Koumoutsakos. The next victim may come from SYRIZA and the aforementioned slogans may be addressed to the Prime Minister himself. Perhaps it is time that the misfortunes became real lessons so that a climate of moderation and consensus prevails. Otherwise a darkness will come that will be heavy and unbearable for us all.

DANGERS

The current unstable political environment came as a result of the relentless leftist populism and a far-right anti-systemic rhetoric.

The way things have turned out, Greece is truly at risk from a potential failure and inability of SYRIZA to govern.

Antonis Karakousis

Originally published in the Sunday print edition